India’s “Beyond Advocacy” Diplomacy on the Russia-Ukraine War: Strategic Autonomy Under Sanctions Pressure
External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar said on Sunday that India is going “beyond advocacy” on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This is the first time New Delhi has acknowledged conveying messages between Moscow and Kyiv, on issues such as Black Sea shipping safety, grain exports, energy exports and “non-attack possibilities”. He spoke at the Munich Leaders Meeting in Delhi. Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha had said a day earlier that India had the “broadest” proposal among four countries offering help, and Vladimir Putin acknowledged Prime Minister Modi’s “very good ideas” at the Valdai forum.
The statement comes under sanctions pressure. A new U.S. law enacted on 18 September could expose countries that buy Russian oil to penalties. Russian crude accounts for over 50% of India’s oil imports. Jaishankar defended the relationship, recalling Soviet support during the 1971 war, and described the U.S. as having become a “lonelier power” by choice.
For aspirants, this is a textbook case of strategic autonomy, multi-alignment and energy diplomacy. It links to GS-II international relations and to GS-III energy security. It also fits the broader frame set by U.S. Under Secretary Elbridge Colby’s recent defence-strategy remarks, discussed in the editorial pages.
Background and Context
India has abstained on UN resolutions critical of Russia since the 2022 invasion while calling for dialogue and diplomacy. Modi’s remark that “this is not an era of war” (2022) became a defining phrase. In recent weeks he has met Putin in Bishkek and Delhi, and met President Zelenskyy in France in June.
Five Important Key Points
- Jaishankar said India’s conversations with both Russia and Ukraine began with Black Sea shipping safety and now cover grain and energy exports.
- Russia supplies over 50% of India’s crude imports, according to the report.
- A U.S. law enacted on 18 September carries possible sanctions on buyers of Russian oil.
- Jaishankar cited Soviet backing in 1971, linked to the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation, as a reason for time-tested ties.
- Admiral Samuel Paparo, commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, is on a visit to India from 3 to 8 October to deepen the Major Defence Partnership.
Strategic Autonomy and Multi-Alignment
India’s foreign policy has moved from non-alignment to multi-alignment, in which it engages competing powers on issue-based terms. Jaishankar’s reference to a changing global landscape, a repositioning of the U.S. and the rise of China, reflects this thinking. Dependence on Russian arms and discounted oil coexists with deepening ties with the U.S., France, Japan, Australia and the Gulf. Strategic autonomy is therefore not neutrality but the preservation of decision-making freedom.
Energy Security Dimension
Energy security is the immediate pressure point. India imports around 85% of its crude. Discounted Russian barrels cushioned inflation after 2022. Meanwhile the war involving Iran and the disruption around the Strait of Hormuz, with Tehran saying the Strait will not reopen until its conditions are met, threaten Gulf supplies. Diversification across suppliers, strategic petroleum reserves and renewables, along with the push for rupee and local-currency settlement, form India’s hedge.
Sanctions and the Legal Dimension
India does not recognise unilateral sanctions that lack UN Security Council backing, but its banks and refiners are exposed to secondary sanctions through the dollar system. Past episodes involving Iranian and Venezuelan oil showed that Indian refiners generally complied with American measures when the costs were high. The new U.S. law may force a calibrated approach that preserves volumes while managing exposure.
Mediation: Opportunity and Limits
Jaishankar’s description of India’s role as conveying messages is deliberately modest. India lacks the leverage that a guarantor would need, and Moscow’s escalation and Kyiv’s strikes on Russian oil facilities make a settlement distant. Germany’s new aid package to Ukraine, over $1.5 billion according to the newspaper, shows Europe’s own commitment to the war effort. Success may therefore lie in narrow, confidence-building deliverables such as shipping safety and grain corridors, as in the 2022 Black Sea Grain Initiative brokered by Turkey and the UN.
Comparative and Global Perspective
Colby’s mid-term defence assessment, discussed in The Hindu, shows Washington asking partners to carry more of the burden. Middle powers like Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Brazil also practise issue-based alignment. The lesson for India, as the editorial notes, is that leverage, built through economic scale, technology and defence industry, decides the terms on which partners negotiate.
Bihar Connection
The consequences reach Bihar through prices and people. Fuel and fertiliser costs matter to Bihar’s farmers, and Russia is a significant supplier of fertilisers to India. Bihar also sends large numbers of migrant workers to the Gulf, whose safety is directly affected by the West Asia conflict and any disruption in the Strait of Hormuz. Remittances sustain many households in districts such as Siwan, Gopalganj and Saran, which are traditional sources of Gulf-bound labour.
Way Forward
India should keep its dialogue channels open with Moscow, Kyiv and Washington while working on specific, deliverable tracks. It should speed up diversification of crude sources and expand strategic reserves. It should pursue rupee-based settlement and alternative payment systems. It should strengthen domestic defence production to reduce import dependence. Finally, India should build coalitions with other middle powers to give its mediation credibility.
Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations
UPSC: GS-II (India and its neighbourhood, bilateral and global groupings, effect of policies of developed countries on India); GS-III (energy security). SSC: the Indo-Soviet Treaty 1971, the Quad, the Black Sea, the Strait of Hormuz, the Munich meeting. Key terms: strategic autonomy, multi-alignment, secondary sanctions, Black Sea Grain Initiative, Major Defence Partnership, Indo-Pacific Command, Quad.
BPSC relevance
- Paper: Prelims GS (national and international current events); Mains GS Paper I (current events of national and international importance)
- Syllabus topic: India’s foreign policy and energy security
- Bihar angle: Fuel and fertiliser prices for Bihar’s farmers, and Gulf remittances to Siwan, Gopalganj and Saran
- Likely question type: Prelims: treaty or initiative matching; Mains: strategic autonomy under sanctions pressure
Practice questions
Prelims MCQs
Q1. The Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation was signed in:
(a) 1962
(b) 1966
(c) 1971
(d) 1975
Q2. The Black Sea Grain Initiative of 2022 was brokered by:
(a) India and the United Nations
(b) Turkey and the United Nations
(c) The European Union and China
(d) The G20
Q3. Consider the following statements about India’s position on the Russia–Ukraine war:
1. India has generally abstained on UN resolutions critical of Russia since 2022.
2. India has imposed unilateral sanctions on Russian oil.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) Neither 1 nor 2
Show answers and explanations
Q1: (c) The treaty was signed in August 1971, months before the Bangladesh Liberation War, and gave India diplomatic backing during the conflict.
Q2: (b) Turkey and the UN brokered the July 2022 deal that allowed Ukrainian grain exports through the Black Sea.
Q3: (a) India has abstained on such resolutions and continued to import Russian crude. It does not impose unilateral sanctions without UN Security Council backing.
Mains question
“Strategic autonomy is not neutrality but freedom of choice.” Discuss this statement in the context of India’s approach to the Russia–Ukraine war and its energy security. (Answer in about 250 words.)