ritik@examyaari.com

A major scientific survey published in 2026 has revealed an “alarming gap” in biodiversity across India’s Western Ghats, one of the world’s 36 biodiversity hotspots and a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Researchers were able to document only approximately 65 percent of the dragonfly and damselfly (collectively: odonata) species historically recorded in the region, suggesting a potential shortfall of nearly 35 percent of these ecologically critical insects. The survey, conducted across 144 sites spanning five states — Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka, Goa, and Gujarat — between February 2021 and March 2023, recorded 143 odonata species, of which 40 are endemic to the Western Ghats. The research team, headed by Professor Pankaj Koparde of MIT-World Peace University Pune, with technical support from the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE), has identified multiple simultaneous threats including infrastructure development, hydropower projects, pollution, land-use change, unregulated tourism, forest fires, and climate change.

Odonata — dragonflies and damselflies — are far more than aesthetically remarkable insects. They are “indicator taxa,” meaning their presence or absence directly reflects the ecological health of freshwater ecosystems. Odonata depend on clean, flowing freshwater for reproduction, and their disappearance from a waterbody is one of the most reliable early warning signs of freshwater ecosystem degradation. In the Western Ghats, which are the source of major river systems including the Godavari, Krishna, Cauvery, and Periyar — rivers on which tens of millions of people depend for drinking water, irrigation, and livelihoods — the decline of odonata is therefore not merely a biodiversity concern but a sentinel warning about the health of the water systems that sustain the region’s human population.

For UPSC aspirants, this topic connects biodiversity loss, freshwater ecosystem health, the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (the Gadgil Committee and Kasturirangan Committee reports), India’s obligations under the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework of 2022 which set the target of protecting 30 percent of the Earth’s land and water by 2030.

Background: The Western Ghats as a Biodiversity Hotspot

Five Important Key Points

• The Western Ghats, a 1,600-kilometre mountain chain along India’s western coast, is one of the world’s 36 biodiversity hotspots recognised by Conservation International, home to an extraordinary concentration of endemic species including over 5,000 flowering plant species, 139 mammal species, 508 bird species, 179 amphibian species, and 288 freshwater fish species.
• The survey recorded 143 odonata species — 76 dragonflies and 67 damselflies — against a historical record of approximately 220 species, suggesting the loss or local extinction of up to 77 species, with the southern Western Ghats showing greater diversity and endemism than the northern section due to the availability of perennial streams and suitable microhabitats.
• Three odonata species — Elattoneura souteri, Protosticta sanguinostigma, and Cyclogomphus ypsilon — are currently classified as vulnerable on the IUCN Red List, while 22 are classified as “data deficient” and 16 as “not evaluated,” indicating significant gaps in scientific understanding of odonata conservation status in India.
• The multiple threats identified by the survey — linear infrastructure (roads, power lines), hydropower projects, industrial and agricultural pollution, large-scale land-use changes from forest to plantation or agriculture, unregulated tourism, recurring forest fires, and climate change-driven habitat fragmentation — are simultaneously active across the Western Ghats, creating a compound threat that exceeds the adaptive capacity of many species.
• India’s obligations under the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework of 2022 (the “30×30” target of protecting 30 percent of land and water by 2030) and the Convention on Biological Diversity make the Western Ghats a critical test case for whether India can translate international commitments into on-the-ground conservation outcomes.

The Western Ghats: Legislative and Policy Framework

The Western Ghats have been the subject of two major government-commissioned reports with very different conservation prescriptions. The Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel, chaired by ecologist Madhav Gadgil and reporting in 2011, recommended classifying the entire Western Ghats as an Ecologically Sensitive Area (ESA) and dividing it into three zones with graduated levels of protection, with the most sensitive areas receiving the strictest development restrictions. The Kasturirangan Committee, appointed to reconsider the Gadgil recommendations given concerns about their impact on livelihoods and development, recommended a more limited ESA covering approximately 37 percent of the Western Ghats (about 60,000 square kilometres) with a buffer zone approach.

The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change has been in the process of finalising the Western Ghats ESA notification for over a decade, facing sustained opposition from states — particularly Goa, which has repeatedly objected to the notification — and from agricultural and development lobbies. The failure to finalise this notification has created regulatory uncertainty and left significant portions of the Western Ghats without the legal protection they need.

Odonata as Ecological Indicators: Scientific Framework

The scientific value of odonata as indicator species lies in their life history. Odonata are hemimetabolous insects — they undergo incomplete metamorphosis, with larvae (nymphs) living in freshwater for periods ranging from several months to several years before emerging as adults. The larvae are highly sensitive to water quality parameters including dissolved oxygen levels, pH, temperature, turbidity, and chemical pollutants. Their presence in a waterbody indicates that the water is clean enough to support their development; their absence is a reliable indicator of water quality degradation.

In this sense, the 35 percent gap in odonata species documented by the survey is a proxy indicator for the degradation of freshwater ecosystems across the Western Ghats. The rivers, streams, ponds, and wetlands that once supported these species have been degraded to a point where 35 percent of historically present species can no longer survive or have become too rare to detect. Since these same waterbodies provide water for human consumption, irrigation, and industrial use, the odonata decline should be understood as an early warning signal for a potential freshwater crisis.

The Climate Change Dimension

Climate change is a significant threat multiplier for Western Ghats biodiversity. Rising temperatures, changing precipitation patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events (including droughts and unseasonal rainfall) are altering the hydrological regime of Western Ghats rivers and streams. For odonata, which depend on specific temperature ranges and water flow regimes for reproduction, these changes are particularly threatening. Climate modelling suggests that many endemic Western Ghats species — adapted to narrow ecological niches — will face range contractions and potential extinction as their suitable habitat shrinks.

The interaction between climate change and land-use change is particularly dangerous. Deforestation and the replacement of natural forests with monoculture plantations (rubber, teak, eucalyptus) reduce the forest’s capacity to regulate water flow, leading to more intense floods and longer dry periods — conditions that are inimical to odonata survival.

Conservation Governance Challenges

India’s biodiversity governance architecture includes the Biological Diversity Act of 2002, the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 (significantly amended in 2022), and the Forest Conservation Act framework. Biodiversity Management Committees established under the Biological Diversity Act at the local body level are mandated to prepare People’s Biodiversity Registers and to regulate access to biological resources. However, the implementation of these committees has been patchy, and they have rarely been used as effective instruments of biodiversity conservation.

The IUCN Red List categorisations of odonata species in India are largely inadequate — 22 species are “data deficient” and 16 are “not evaluated” — meaning that India lacks the basic scientific data needed to make informed conservation decisions about these species. This is a significant governance gap that needs to be addressed through sustained investment in biodiversity monitoring and taxonomy.

Way Forward

A comprehensive response to Western Ghats odonata decline must operate at multiple levels. First, the Union government must finalise the Western Ghats ESA notification without further delay, providing a clear regulatory framework for development decisions in ecologically sensitive areas. Second, India should establish a national freshwater biodiversity monitoring programme using odonata (and other indicator taxa including freshwater fish and amphibians) as sentinel species, building on the survey methodology demonstrated by the MIT-WPU and ATREE teams. Third, hydropower projects in the Western Ghats must be subject to rigorous cumulative environmental impact assessments that specifically evaluate impacts on freshwater biodiversity. Fourth, the Biological Diversity Act framework must be strengthened, with better-resourced and better-trained Biodiversity Management Committees. Fifth, India must mainstream biodiversity considerations into sectoral policies — agriculture, infrastructure, tourism, and energy — rather than treating biodiversity conservation as a standalone sectoral concern.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

This topic is directly relevant for UPSC GS-III under Environment — conservation, biodiversity, environmental pollution and degradation; and GS-II under Government policies and regulatory bodies. It is relevant for the Essay paper on environmental themes including climate change and biodiversity. It is also relevant for GS-I under Salient features of World’s Physical Geography.

For SSC CGL and CHSL, this covers Environment and Ecology — biodiversity, Western Ghats, conservation, international conventions.

Key terms: Western Ghats, biodiversity hotspot, odonata, indicator taxa, IUCN Red List, Ecologically Sensitive Area, Gadgil Committee, Kasturirangan Committee, Biological Diversity Act 2002, Convention on Biological Diversity, Kunming-Montreal Framework, 30×30 target, ATREE, freshwater ecosystem, endemic species, Wildlife Protection Act 1972.

The Delhi government has declared approximately 673.32 hectares of the Central Ridge area as a “reserved forest” under Section 20 of the Indian Forest Act of 1927 — a decision approved by Lieutenant-Governor Taranjit Singh Sandhu and Chief Minister Rekha Gupta. This declaration has been described as completing “an important process that had remained pending for more than three decades,” and the Chief Minister has indicated that the remaining Ridge areas will also be notified soon. Simultaneously, the Delhi Development Authority has announced the phased revitalisation of 77 water bodies across the capital, signalling a renewed policy focus on urban ecological restoration.

These announcements are significant for multiple reasons. Delhi’s Ridge — a forested spur of the ancient Aravalli mountain range running through the city — is the capital’s primary green lung, providing ecological services including air purification, groundwater recharge, temperature regulation, and biodiversity habitat in one of the world’s most densely populated and polluted urban agglomerations. Despite repeated directions from the National Green Tribunal (NGT), courts, and environmental authorities, the formal legal protection of the Ridge had languished for decades, leaving it vulnerable to encroachment, construction, and degradation. The reserved forest status, once officially notified, provides the strongest legal protection available under Indian forest law — making any diversion of the land for non-forest purposes subject to the stringent procedural requirements of the Forest Conservation Act of 1980.

Background: Delhi’s Ridge and Its Environmental Importance

Five Important Key Points

• The Delhi Ridge is a 7,784-hectare forested landmass comprising five stretches — the Northern, Central, South-Central, Southern, and Nanakpura Ridge — and represents the northernmost extension of the ancient Aravalli range, which is among the world’s oldest geological formations dating back over 1.5 billion years.
• The newly notified 673.32 hectares of the Central Ridge, which lies along Sardar Patel Marg and includes areas adjacent to the President’s Estate, has been classified as “reserved forest” under Section 20 of the Indian Forest Act of 1927, which provides the strongest legal protection against diversion for non-forest purposes.
• The NGT had, in a January 2021 order, stressed an “urgent need” to protect the Ridge and directed the finalisation of the Section 20 notification within three months, and in a July 2025 order noted that the process was being “unnecessarily delayed,” illustrating decades of bureaucratic and political inertia.
• The Delhi government has now granted reserved forest status to a cumulative 4,754.14 hectares of Ridge areas, including 4,080.82 hectares of the Southern Ridge notified in October last year, with remaining areas to be notified in an expedited process.
• The DDA’s simultaneous announcement to revitalise 77 water bodies — beginning with six in northwest Delhi within 30 days, followed by 48 more within 60 days and 23 larger ones within 90 days — through dredging, desilting, and catchment clearance reflects a comprehensive approach to Delhi’s urban ecological restoration.

Legal Framework: The Indian Forest Act and Reserved Forest Status

The Indian Forest Act of 1927 distinguishes between three categories of forest land: reserved forests (Section 20), protected forests (Section 29), and village forests (Section 28). Reserved forest status is the most stringent classification, under which a wide range of activities — including clearing, burning, quarrying, and even the collection of certain forest produce — are prohibited without explicit government permission. The process of constituting a reserved forest under Sections 4 to 20 of the Act involves issuing a preliminary notification, inviting claims from persons with rights over the land, adjudicating those claims, and then issuing the final notification under Section 20.

The Forest Conservation Act of 1980 (now replaced by the Van (Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan) Adhiniyam, 2023) adds an additional layer of protection by requiring prior approval from the Union government for any diversion of forest land to non-forest purposes. This means that once the Delhi Ridge areas are notified as reserved forests under Section 20 of the 1927 Act, any attempt to divert them — for roads, construction, or other infrastructure — will require approval from the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, subject to conditions including compensatory afforestation.

The Thirty-Year Delay: Governance Failure Analysis

The fact that the Central Ridge’s reserved forest notification took more than three decades is a case study in governance failure in urban India. Multiple factors contributed to this delay. First, Delhi’s unique administrative structure — where land is managed by a multiplicity of agencies including the DDA, the Forest Department, the Archaeological Survey of India, and the Ministry of Defence — creates jurisdictional confusion and accountability gaps. Second, the Ridge has been subject to competing claims: parts of it have been used for institutional purposes, including the construction of government buildings, IIT Delhi, and various diplomatic enclosures. Third, powerful real estate and construction interests have historically resisted the formalisation of forest status, which would freeze land available for development.

The NGT’s repeated interventions — in 2021 directing a three-month timeline and in 2025 noting “unnecessary delay” — reflect a broader pattern where judicial and quasi-judicial bodies are forced to substitute for failed executive action on environmental governance. This pattern, observed across India from the Aravalli mining bans to the coastal regulation zone notifications, raises fundamental questions about the state’s capacity and political will to implement environmental regulations that impose costs on politically connected interests.

Urban Ecology and Climate Change

Delhi’s Ridge is not merely an amenity; it is critical ecological infrastructure. The Ridge serves as a carbon sink, absorbing carbon dioxide and mitigating the urban heat island effect that makes Delhi’s summers increasingly extreme. It provides habitat for over 100 bird species, several reptiles, and significant populations of plants, making it a biodiversity island in an otherwise highly urbanised landscape. The groundwater recharge function of the Ridge — which allows rainwater to percolate and replenish the aquifers that supply much of Delhi’s water — is particularly important in the context of declining groundwater tables across the National Capital Region.

Climate modelling suggests that the loss of urban green cover — including forests, parks, and water bodies — significantly amplifies urban heat islands, with surface temperatures in densely built areas sometimes 5 to 10 degrees Celsius higher than in adjacent forested areas. Delhi’s summer temperatures have been setting records in recent years, and the preservation and restoration of the Ridge is one of the few cost-effective adaptation measures available to the city.

Water Body Restoration: The DDA Initiative

The DDA’s plan to restore 77 water bodies addresses a parallel ecological crisis. Delhi once had hundreds of natural water bodies — ponds, lakes, and baolis (stepwells) — that served as rainwater harvesting structures, groundwater recharge zones, and habitats for aquatic biodiversity. Urbanisation, encroachment, and pollution have destroyed or degraded the vast majority of these. The restoration plan, which involves dredging, excavation, desilting, clearance of catchment areas, strengthening of embankments, plantation drives, and fencing, is a welcome initiative, though its success will depend on execution quality, maintenance post-restoration, and prevention of re-encroachment.

Comparative Analysis and Way Forward

Several global megacities offer instructive models for Delhi. Singapore’s approach to integrating urban water bodies into a coherent blue-green infrastructure network — including the ABC Waters Programme — has transformed degraded waterways into vibrant ecological and recreational assets. Berlin’s Tiergarten forest, managed as a statutory protected area within the city, demonstrates how reserved forest status can be sustained in a dense urban environment. London’s Green Belt policy, which has statutory protection against urban sprawl, offers a planning framework analogy.

For Delhi, the immediate priority is to ensure that the reserved forest notification for the Central Ridge is formally gazetted without further delay, as the approval alone has limited legal force without the official gazette notification. The remaining Ridge areas must be notified under an accelerated timeline. The NGT’s directions must be treated as binding mandates rather than advisory opinions. The DDA’s water body restoration must be linked to comprehensive watershed management planning that addresses the root causes of degradation — encroachment, industrial effluents, and solid waste dumping.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

This topic is relevant for UPSC GS-III under Environment — conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment; GS-II — Government policies and interventions, regulatory and quasi-judicial bodies (NGT); and GS-I — urbanisation, urban governance. It is also relevant for the Essay paper on environmental themes.

For SSC CGL and CHSL, this covers Environment and Ecology — forests, biodiversity, urban ecology; and Indian Polity — NGT, environmental governance.

Key terms: Indian Forest Act 1927, Section 20 Reserved Forest, Forest Conservation Act 1980, Van Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan Adhiniyam 2023, National Green Tribunal, Aravalli Range, urban heat island, DDA, compensatory afforestation, blue-green infrastructure.

Two technology stories from May 10, 2026 carry profound national security implications. First, India has successfully tested an advanced Agni missile equipped with Multiple Independently Targeted Re-Entry Vehicle (MIRV) technology from APJ Abdul Kalam Island in Odisha, placing India among a select group of global powers — the United States, Russia, China, France, and the United Kingdom — that possess the capability to deliver multiple nuclear warheads to distinct targets simultaneously using a single missile. Second, the International Monetary Fund has, in a new report, singled out Anthropic’s Claude Mythos Preview — an AI model that was not publicly released because of its capacity to identify unknown vulnerabilities in IT systems — as a dramatic illustration of how artificial intelligence is dramatically escalating cybersecurity risks for the global financial system, with direct implications for India’s digital financial infrastructure.

These two developments, while superficially unrelated, both speak to the same fundamental challenge of the contemporary era: the rapid evolution of technology is transforming the nature of security threats and strategic capabilities in ways that existing governance frameworks are ill-equipped to manage. For India, the Agni-MIRV test represents a qualitative leap in deterrence capability, while the Mythos episode is a warning about the vulnerabilities of India’s increasingly digitalised financial and governance infrastructure.

Background: India’s Strategic Missile Programme and MIRV Technology

Five Important Key Points

• Multiple Independently Targeted Re-Entry Vehicle (MIRV) technology allows a single ballistic missile to carry multiple nuclear warheads, each of which can be directed to a different target, dramatically increasing the offensive capacity and the complexity of missile defence systems that adversaries must maintain.
• India’s MIRV test was conducted from APJ Abdul Kalam Island in Odisha and used a telemetry and tracking system involving multiple ground and ship-based stations, with flight data confirming that all mission objectives — including accurate delivery of multiple payloads to spatially distributed targets in the Indian Ocean Region — were met.
• The Claude Mythos Preview AI model, developed by Anthropic, can identify zero-day vulnerabilities in real open-source codebases, reverse-engineer exploits in closed-source software, and convert known but unpatched vulnerabilities into working exploits, capabilities that the IMF warns could make cyberattacks faster, cheaper, and accessible to non-experts.
• Anthropic acknowledged that Mythos’s cybersecurity offensive capabilities were not intentionally trained into the system but “emerged as a downstream consequence of general improvements in code, reasoning, and autonomy,” suggesting that advanced AI capability emergence is increasingly difficult to predict or prevent.
• Following reports of unauthorised access to Mythos, India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman convened a high-level meeting with the IT Minister and senior bankers to assess risks to India’s financial data security, reflecting the government’s growing awareness of AI-driven cyber risks.

The Agni-MIRV Test: Strategic Significance for India

India’s nuclear doctrine, as articulated in the 2003 Cabinet Committee on Security resolution, is based on three pillars: No First Use (NFU), massive retaliation against a nuclear first strike, and civilian control of nuclear weapons. The Agni missile series — ranging from the short-range Agni-I to the intercontinental-range Agni-V and beyond — forms the backbone of India’s land-based nuclear deterrent. The MIRV capability tested in this latest iteration represents a qualitative leap in India’s deterrence posture for several reasons.

First, MIRV capability increases the penetrability of India’s missiles against adversaries’ missile defence systems. China has invested heavily in developing missile defence capabilities, and a MIRV-equipped Agni ensures that India’s second-strike capability remains credible even against a China equipped with advanced missile defences. Second, MIRV technology allows India to hold a larger number of targets at risk with a smaller number of missiles, improving the efficiency of its nuclear arsenal without necessarily increasing the number of warheads. Third, the demonstration of MIRV capability sends a strategic signal to both China and Pakistan that India’s nuclear deterrent is modernising and that any calculations about degrading India’s second-strike capacity through a first strike are increasingly untenable.

Constitutional and Institutional Framework for Nuclear Governance

India’s nuclear weapons programme is governed by the Atomic Energy Act of 1962 and the Atomic Energy (Amendment) Act of 1987. Operational control of nuclear weapons is vested in the Nuclear Command Authority (NCA), established in 2003, which consists of a Political Council chaired by the Prime Minister and an Executive Council chaired by the National Security Adviser. The Strategic Forces Command (SFC), established in 2003 as a tri-service command, is responsible for the management and administration of India’s nuclear forces. The DRDO, which developed the Agni series in collaboration with the Defence Research and Development Establishment (DRDE) and industry partners, has demonstrated through this test its capacity to develop and deliver cutting-edge strategic systems.

The AI Cybersecurity Dimension: Claude Mythos and Financial Security

The IMF’s warning about Anthropic’s Claude Mythos Preview is a watershed moment in the global conversation about AI risk. What makes Mythos uniquely alarming is not merely that it can identify cybersecurity vulnerabilities — security researchers have long used AI tools for this purpose — but that it can do so autonomously, without human guidance, and can generate working exploits for vulnerabilities that are decades old. Anthropic’s own blog revealed that its engineers were able to ask Mythos to find vulnerabilities and produce a complete, working exploit in a single night, and that the AI could even do this autonomously, without human intervention, when provided with appropriate scaffolding.

The financial sector implications are particularly severe. Modern financial systems — including India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI), the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) infrastructure, the banking core banking systems, and the stock exchange trading platforms — all rest on software stacks that contain vulnerabilities, many of which may be unknown to their operators. An AI system like Mythos, in the hands of a malicious actor, could identify and exploit these vulnerabilities at machine speed, far faster than human defenders could detect and respond.

India’s Cybersecurity Architecture and Its Adequacy

India’s cybersecurity architecture is governed by the National Cyber Security Policy of 2013, the Information Technology Act of 2000 (amended in 2008), and the Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. The National Cyber Security Coordinator in the National Security Council Secretariat coordinates strategic cybersecurity policy. However, India’s cyber defence framework was designed for a threat environment that did not include AI-powered offensive tools of the sophistication demonstrated by Mythos.

The Digital Personal Data Protection Act of 2023, while a significant step toward data governance, does not directly address the cybersecurity threat from AI-powered offensive tools. The Reserve Bank of India has issued guidelines on cybersecurity for banks and non-banking financial companies, but these guidelines too predate the emergence of autonomous AI vulnerability exploitation. The Finance Minister’s meeting in response to the Mythos leak is a positive sign of awareness, but India urgently needs an AI-specific cybersecurity framework.

Way Forward

On the defence side, India should continue to modernise its strategic deterrent through MIRV development, hypersonic glide vehicles, and improved survivability measures for its nuclear-armed submarines (SSBNs). India’s third SSBN, INS Arighat, which became operational in 2024, is a critical step toward a credible sea-based second-strike capability. On the cybersecurity side, India should establish an AI Cybersecurity Task Force within CERT-In, develop AI-specific threat intelligence capabilities, mandate AI risk assessments for critical financial infrastructure, and participate actively in global AI governance frameworks — including the G20’s AI governance discussions and the UN’s emerging AI safety frameworks.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

This topic is relevant for UPSC GS-III under Internal security — threats from cyberspace, money laundering, nuclear strategy; Science and Technology — space technology, computer awareness, robotics, AI; and Defence — indigenisation, defence technology. For the Essay paper, AI and its impact on national security is a potential theme.

For SSC CGL, this covers Science and Technology — computer, AI, cybersecurity; and Defence — India’s missile programme.

Key terms: MIRV, Agni missile, No First Use doctrine, Nuclear Command Authority, Strategic Forces Command, DRDO, APJ Abdul Kalam Island, Claude Mythos, zero-day vulnerability, CERT-In, Digital Personal Data Protection Act, UPI, NCPI.

The ongoing military standoff between the United States and Iran in and around the Strait of Hormuz has escalated dramatically in May 2026, with U.S. fighter jets firing on and disabling two Iranian-flagged tankers accused of challenging America’s naval blockade of Iran’s ports, followed by Iranian retaliatory strikes. The fragile ceasefire that had briefly held, brokered partly through Pakistani mediation and discussed by Qatar’s Prime Minister with U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance in Washington, now hangs by a thread. An Indian sailor has been killed and seventeen others rescued after their wooden dhow caught fire near the Strait of Hormuz — the latest in a series of Indian fatalities bringing the total to nine since hostilities began.

For India, this is not a distant geopolitical conflict. The Strait of Hormuz is the world’s most critical maritime chokepoint, through which approximately 20 percent of global oil trade passes. India imports over 85 percent of its crude oil, and a significant portion comes from Persian Gulf producers including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait, all of whose exports transit the Strait. Any prolonged closure or disruption of this vital sea lane would directly impact India’s inflation, fiscal deficit, current account balance, and industrial output. The Indian diaspora and workers in the Gulf — numbering approximately nine million — also face risks to their safety and livelihoods.

Beyond energy security, the crisis tests India’s much-vaunted doctrine of strategic autonomy. India maintains close defence and diplomatic ties with the United States, has significant energy and investment relationships with Iran (including the Chabahar Port project), and depends on Gulf Arab states for remittances that constitute a major source of foreign exchange. Navigating this triangle — while a kinetic conflict is underway — demands the most sophisticated diplomatic balancing.

Background: The Strait of Hormuz and Its Strategic Significance

Five Important Key Points

• The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway between Iran and Oman connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, is the world’s single most important oil transit chokepoint, carrying approximately 20 percent of global petroleum liquids, making any disruption a global economic emergency.
• The U.S.-Iran conflict, which began with U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran approximately ten weeks before this report, has involved Iranian attempts to extract tolls from foreign vessels passing through the Strait — a strategy designed to exert economic leverage on the U.S. and its allies.
• India has reported nine fatalities among its nationals since the conflict began, with the latest death involving a sailor whose dhow caught fire near the Strait, illustrating the direct human cost of the conflict for India’s large maritime working community.
• Pakistan has been playing the role of diplomatic mediator, channelling proposals between Washington and Tehran, while Qatar has facilitated discussions at the vice-presidential level, reflecting the Gulf’s traditional role as a diplomatic interlocutor in U.S.-Iran relations.
• Hungary’s Peter Magyar, newly sworn in as Prime Minister following Orban’s ouster, and the ongoing India-Iran-U.S. triangle suggest a period of significant global geopolitical realignment that India must navigate with exceptional diplomatic dexterity.

Historical Context of U.S.-Iran Relations and the Gulf

The antagonism between the United States and Iran dates to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which overthrew the U.S.-backed Shah and saw American diplomatic personnel held hostage for 444 days. Subsequent decades saw sanctions, proxy conflicts, and periodic attempts at diplomacy — most notably the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) of 2015, which the Trump administration unilaterally withdrew from in 2018. The reimposition of maximum pressure sanctions devastated Iran’s oil revenues, and Iran responded by developing its nuclear programme further and increasing its asymmetric maritime capabilities.

The Strait of Hormuz has been a flashpoint before. In the 1980s, during the Iran-Iraq War, the “Tanker War” saw both sides attacking oil tankers, prompting the U.S. to reflag Kuwaiti tankers and deploy naval escorts. In 2019, a series of attacks on tankers near the Strait — attributed by the U.S. to Iran — nearly triggered a military confrontation. The current conflict represents an escalation beyond anything seen in recent decades, with direct U.S. military action against Iranian vessels.

India’s Energy Security Exposure

India’s dependence on Gulf oil is structural and cannot be reduced rapidly. Despite diversification efforts — including increased imports from the U.S., Russia (which surged after Western sanctions followed the Ukraine invasion), and Africa — the Persian Gulf remains the dominant source of India’s crude. Iraq is India’s largest single supplier, followed by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. All of these countries’ exports transit the Strait of Hormuz. A complete closure of the Strait — an extreme but not inconceivable scenario — would trigger a global oil price spike that would dwarf the 2022 energy crisis caused by the Ukraine war.

For India, a sustained rise in global oil prices would directly impact the fiscal deficit (through increased LPG and fuel subsidy burdens), the current account deficit (through higher import bills), and retail inflation (through pass-through to transport and manufacturing costs). The Reserve Bank of India’s inflation management framework would come under severe stress, potentially requiring interest rate increases at a time when growth needs to be supported.

Chabahar Port and India-Iran Relations

India’s strategic investment in Chabahar Port in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchestan province is a key element of its connectivity strategy for Central Asia, bypassing Pakistan. India and Iran signed a ten-year operational contract for Chabahar in 2024, a significant step that the U.S. had exempted from its Iran sanctions framework given the port’s humanitarian and regional connectivity significance. However, an escalating military conflict between the U.S. and Iran puts this exemption at risk. If the U.S. expands its sanctions or if India is perceived as facilitating Iran’s economy through Chabahar, it could complicate India’s relations with Washington at a time when the two countries are deepening their defence and technology partnership under the iCET (initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies).

India’s Strategic Autonomy: The Diplomatic Tightrope

India’s foreign policy has long been defined by strategic autonomy — the capacity to engage with multiple powers without being aligned with any single bloc. This principle is being severely tested by the Iran-U.S. conflict. India has refrained from publicly condemning either side. It has continued to import Russian oil despite Western pressure. It has maintained its Chabahar engagement despite American-led sanctions. It has simultaneously deepened its Quad partnership with the U.S., Japan, and Australia, and its bilateral defence ties with Washington.

The immediate challenge is consular: the Indian Consulate in Dubai is in contact with the rescued sailors, and the government must ensure the safety of its nine million Gulf diaspora. The medium-term challenge is diplomatic: India should use its good offices — leveraging its relationships with both the U.S. and Iran — to advocate for a ceasefire and the safety of international shipping. India has a direct interest in the freedom of navigation and the international law of the sea, principles enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Global Order Implications

The Iran-U.S. conflict is occurring against a backdrop of broader global geopolitical fragmentation: the ongoing Ukraine war, instability in West Asia following the Hamas-Israel conflict, Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, and the weakening of multilateral institutions. The role of Pakistan as mediator between the U.S. and Iran is particularly significant from India’s perspective, as it suggests Pakistan’s continued strategic relevance in the broader West Asian security architecture.

Way Forward

India should pursue a multi-pronged strategy. First, it must accelerate the strategic petroleum reserve programme to reduce vulnerability to short-term supply shocks, targeting a reserve equivalent to at least 90 days of imports. Second, India should actively use its diplomatic channels — including its strong relationships with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the U.S. — to advocate for the protection of international shipping lanes. Third, India must clearly communicate to both Washington and Tehran that the safety of Indian nationals in the Gulf region is a red line, and that it will take all necessary consular and diplomatic measures to protect them. Fourth, the Chabahar engagement must be maintained while carefully managing the optics with the U.S. Fifth, India should work within the UN Security Council and through bilateral channels to push for a ceasefire and a return to diplomatic engagement.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

This topic is relevant for UPSC GS-II under International Relations — India and its neighbourhood, effect of policies and politics of developed countries on India’s interests, important international institutions; and GS-III under Energy security, critical infrastructure, challenges to internal security. It is also relevant for the Essay Paper.

For SSC CGL, this covers Current Affairs — International Relations, India’s foreign policy, energy security.

Key terms: Strait of Hormuz, JCPOA, Chabahar Port, strategic autonomy, energy security, UNCLOS, strategic petroleum reserve, U.S.-Iran relations, Gulf diaspora, iCET, freedom of navigation.

The political drama unfolding in Tamil Nadu following the 2026 Assembly elections has once again brought to the forefront one of India’s most contentious constitutional questions: what exactly are the limits of a Governor’s discretion when no single party commands an outright majority in a state legislature? The Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), led by actor-turned-politician C. Joseph Vijay, emerged as the single largest party with 108 seats in the 234-member Assembly, yet Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar refused for several days to administer the oath of office, insisting instead on physical letters of support from at least 118 MLAs before he would act. This standoff — which ultimately resolved on May 10, 2026, with Vijay being sworn in after securing support of 120 MLAs — encapsulates a decades-old tension between elected representatives and constitutionally appointed Governors that strikes at the very heart of India’s parliamentary democracy.

This episode is not an isolated event. From Karnataka in 2018 to Goa in 2017, and from Maharashtra in 2019 to Jharkhand and Manipur at various points, the conduct of Governors in post-election scenarios has repeatedly become a subject of Supreme Court intervention, academic debate, and political controversy. The pattern that emerges is troubling: Governors, appointed by the Union Executive and therefore susceptible to political considerations, have often been seen as acting in ways that favour the party in power at the Centre rather than upholding the constitutional obligation of ensuring a stable government in the state. The Tamil Nadu episode, where the Governor demanded physical letters of support rather than simply calling the single largest party and directing a floor test, has been challenged in the Supreme Court on the grounds that it violates established constitutional conventions.

For UPSC aspirants, this episode is an exceptionally rich case study that combines Article 164, the Sarkaria Commission Report, the S.R. Bommai judgment of 1994, the B.R. Kapur case of 2001, the Rameshwar Prasad case of 2006, and the ongoing debate over the role of constitutional offices in India’s federal democracy. Understanding the legal framework, the judicial precedents, and the political realities is essential for Paper GS-II (Indian Polity and Governance), as well as for writing incisive answers on federalism, constitutional morality, and the office of the Governor.

Background and Constitutional Context

Five Important Key Points

• Article 164 of the Constitution vests the power of appointing the Chief Minister in the Governor, but the Constitution does not prescribe a settled procedure for doing so in the event of a hung Assembly, leaving it to constitutional conventions.
• The Sarkaria Commission Report of 1988, endorsed by the Supreme Court, prescribes a hierarchy of preference: first, a pre-poll alliance with majority; second, the single largest party; and third, a post-poll coalition, before recommending President’s Rule under Article 356.
• In the landmark S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) judgment, a nine-judge constitutional bench held that the floor of the House — not Lok Bhavan — is the proper arena to test majority, severely limiting the Governor’s subjective satisfaction as a basis for action.
• The Governor of Tamil Nadu’s insistence on physical letters of support, rather than simply directing a floor test, was challenged in the Supreme Court as being unconstitutional and violative of parliamentary democracy.
• The TVK secured the support of 120 MLAs — including Congress, CPI, CPI(M), VCK, and IUML legislators — to cross the majority mark of 118 in the 234-member Assembly, resolving the crisis through political negotiation rather than constitutional adjudication.

Historical and Legislative Background of the Governor’s Role

The office of the Governor in India was modelled on the British Crown’s representative in colonial provinces but was substantially transformed by the Constitution-makers to suit a republican, federal polity. Unlike the President of India, who acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers under Article 74, the Governor retains certain discretionary powers under Article 163, particularly in situations where no clear majority exists. However, the framers of the Constitution, including Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, were categorical that the Governor should be a constitutional head and not a political player.

The trouble began almost immediately after independence, as successive Union governments used the office of Governor to destabilise opposition-ruled states. The 1960s through the 1980s witnessed frequent misuse of Article 356 to dismiss state governments, culminating in the S.R. Bommai judgment which virtually took away the power to dismiss governments without a floor test. Yet the power to delay government formation, by refusing to invite the single largest party or imposing conditions not envisaged in the Constitution, remained a grey area. It is this grey area that the Tamil Nadu Governor exploited in May 2026.

Constitutional Provisions and Judicial Framework

Article 164(1) states that the Chief Minister shall be appointed by the Governor and the other Ministers shall be appointed by the Governor on the advice of the Chief Minister. Article 164(1A) limits the size of the Council of Ministers to 15 percent of the total strength of the Assembly, which in Tamil Nadu’s case means a maximum of 35 Ministers. Critically, neither Article 164 nor any other constitutional provision specifies the procedure the Governor must follow when no single party has a majority.

The Supreme Court has attempted to fill this gap through a series of judgments. In the B.R. Kapur case (2001), the Court held that the Governor could dissolve the Assembly under Article 174(2)(b) even before the first meeting if no viable government could be formed. In the Rameshwar Prasad case (2006), the Court made clear that the Governor cannot act on subjective considerations or whims. Most significantly, in the Karnataka crisis of 2018, the Court ordered a floor test within 24 hours and mandated that it be conducted on live camera, not by secret ballot, establishing the floor test as the most objective and transparent constitutional mechanism.

The writ petition filed in the Supreme Court against the Tamil Nadu Governor’s conduct argued that the Governor is “duty-bound” to invite the head of the single largest party, swear him in, and immediately subject his claim to a trust vote. This argument finds strong support in the S.R. Bommai dictum that the House, and not Raj Bhavan, is the place where democracy is in action.

The Political and Constitutional Crisis: What Went Wrong

The Governor’s demand for physical letters of support was constitutionally questionable for several reasons. First, it substituted the Governor’s personal judgment for the constitutional mechanism of the floor test, which the Supreme Court has repeatedly held to be the only legitimate way of ascertaining majority. Second, it created a situation of prolonged uncertainty that invited horse-trading and political defections, precisely the evil that the anti-defection law under the Tenth Schedule and the constitutional conventions around floor tests are designed to prevent. Third, it demonstrated a troubling asymmetry: Governors in BJP-ruled states have rarely been subjected to such demands, suggesting that the office was being used to serve the political interests of the ruling party at the Centre.

The VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan’s statement that his party’s support to TVK was partly motivated by the desire to prevent President’s Rule from being imposed is itself revealing. It suggests that the Governor’s delay had created conditions where the threat of Article 356 was being implicitly or explicitly wielded as a political weapon, a use of executive power that cuts against the fundamental principle that state autonomy is a basic feature of India’s constitutional structure.

The Coalition Government Dimension

Tamil Nadu is set to see its first genuine coalition government since 1952, when Congress and its partner formed a joint administration. The Congress’s condition for supporting TVK, which included a Cabinet berth — reportedly for Melur MLA-elect P. Viswanathan and potentially Congress Legislature Party leader S. Rajesh Kumar — marks a significant departure from Tamil Nadu’s tradition of single-party dominance alternating between the DMK and AIADMK. Coalition governments bring their own governance challenges: coalition dharma, policy coordination, and the risk of instability when smaller partners withdraw support. The Governor’s direction to Vijay to prove majority on the floor of the House by May 13 adds a formal constitutional dimension to what is essentially a political management exercise.

Federalism and Centre-State Relations

The Tamil Nadu episode reflects a wider structural problem in India’s cooperative federalism framework: the Governor, who is a Union appointee and serves at the President’s pleasure, is constitutionally required to act as an impartial constitutional authority in the state. This inherent tension — between the Governor’s political antecedents and constitutional obligations — has been flagged repeatedly by the Sarkaria Commission (1988), the Punchhi Commission (2010), and countless Supreme Court judgments. Both commissions recommended greater transparency in the appointment of Governors, including consultation with state governments, and a bar on Governors taking up political positions immediately after retirement.

Comparative Analysis

Comparative constitutional democracies handle this issue differently. In the Westminster model followed by the United Kingdom, the Prime Minister is invariably the leader of the party or coalition commanding a House majority, and the Crown’s representative (the Monarch or Governor-General) plays a purely ceremonial role in government formation. Australia’s constitutional crisis of 1975, where the Governor-General dismissed a democratically elected Prime Minister, remains the most dramatic example of what happens when constitutional convention is overridden by gubernatorial discretion. India’s situation is complicated by the quasi-federal nature of the Constitution and the politically appointed nature of Governors.

Way Forward

Several reforms can address the structural problem revealed by the Tamil Nadu crisis. First, Parliament should codify the procedure for government formation in a hung Assembly through statutory law, removing the ambiguity that allows Governors to exercise excessive discretion. Second, the appointment of Governors should be made more transparent and consultative, involving the Chief Minister or a parliamentary committee, as recommended by the Sarkaria Commission. Third, the Supreme Court should issue comprehensive guidelines, as it did in the Bommai case, specifying the maximum time a Governor can take to invite a claimant to form the government. Fourth, any Governor’s decision to delay government formation or impose conditions not in the Constitution should be subject to expedited judicial review. Fifth, the Tenth Schedule should be strengthened to prevent post-election defections that undermine the people’s mandate.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

This topic is directly relevant for UPSC GS-II under the themes of Indian Constitution — historical underpinnings, evolution, features, amendments, significant provisions, and basic structure; Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States; Issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure; Parliament and State Legislatures; and Constitutional bodies. It is also relevant for the Essay Paper under themes of democratic governance and constitutional morality.

For SSC CGL and CHSL examinations, this topic covers Indian Polity — constitutional provisions, role of Governor, federalism, and floor test.

Key terms aspirants must remember: Article 164, Article 163, Article 174(2)(b), Article 356, S.R. Bommai case 1994, B.R. Kapur case 2001, Sarkaria Commission Report, Punchhi Commission, floor test, hung Assembly, coalition government, anti-defection law, Tenth Schedule, constitutional morality.

A comprehensive decadal analysis of India’s school education system by NITI Aayog, titled “School Education System in India — Temporal Analysis and Policy Roadmap for Quality Enhancement,” has revealed a paradox at the heart of India’s education story: while near-universal access to primary schooling has been achieved, the system fails catastrophically at retaining students through secondary and higher secondary levels. Four out of every ten children who enter the school system drop out before completing higher secondary education. Reading proficiency in Grade 8 has actually declined — from 74.7 percent of Grade 8 students who could read a Grade 2 text in 2014 to 71.1 percent in 2024. In mathematics, only 45.8 percent of Grade 8 students can solve a basic division problem.

These are not merely educational statistics — they represent a structural failure with profound implications for India’s demographic dividend. India has the world’s largest youth population; if this cohort exits the education system without foundational literacy and numeracy skills, the demographic dividend transforms into a demographic burden. For UPSC aspirants, this connects directly to GS-II (governance, education policy, Right to Education Act), GS-III (human capital, economic growth), and the broader social justice framework of GS-I.

The report’s timing is significant: it arrives as India is preparing to implement National Education Policy 2020 at scale, including the introduction of AI and Computational Thinking from Grade 3 — a reform the same report warns could “diminish independent thinking” if implemented without ethical frameworks and adequate teacher training.

Background and Context: The Pyramid Problem in Indian Education

India’s school education system encompasses 14.71 lakh schools and 24.69 crore students. The system’s structure resembles a “sharp pyramid”: 7.3 lakh primary schools at the base narrowing to only 1.64 lakh higher secondary schools at the apex. Only 5.4 percent of schools offer a continuous journey from Grade 1 to Grade 12 under one roof — meaning most students must change institutions multiple times as they progress, each transition representing a dropout risk.

Five Important Key Points

• India’s school education system enrolls 24.69 crore students across 14.71 lakh schools, but the structural “pyramid” — 7.3 lakh primary schools narrowing to 1.64 lakh higher secondary schools — means that four out of every ten children who enter the system drop out before completing Class 12.
• Learning outcomes are deteriorating even as enrolment improves: the percentage of Grade 8 students who could read a Grade 2 text declined from 74.7 percent in 2014 to 71.1 percent in 2024, while only 45.8 percent of Grade 8 students can solve a basic division problem — revealing a profound gap between schooling and learning.
• A total of 7,993 schools across India reported zero student enrolment in 2024-25, with the highest concentrations in West Bengal (3,812) and Telangana (2,245), yet these schools continue to receive financial and human resources due to record-keeping failures — representing a significant fiscal inefficiency in the education sector.
• The Right to Education Act (RTE), 2009, provides free and compulsory education only until age 14 (Grade 8), leaving families to bear costs of secondary education independently — a structural gap that the report identifies as a key driver of dropout rates at the critical transition from middle to secondary school.
• Despite the Education Ministry announcing AI and Computational Thinking from Grade 3 in October 2025, NITI Aayog’s report warns that without ethical frameworks and better teacher training, an over-reliance on AI could “diminish independent thinking” in younger learners — raising pedagogical concerns about technology-led reforms outpacing institutional readiness.

Constitutional and Legislative Framework: RTE and Its Limitations

The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009, operationalises Article 21-A (inserted by the 86th Constitutional Amendment, 2002), which makes free and compulsory education a fundamental right for children between 6 and 14 years. The critical limitation is the upper age boundary of 14 — corresponding to Grade 8. Secondary education (Grades 9-12) falls outside the constitutional guarantee, creating a coverage gap precisely at the developmental stage when dropout risk is highest.

The 86th Amendment also inserted Article 45, directing the state to endeavour early childhood care and education for children below 6 — a provision that became operational through the National Education Policy 2020’s emphasis on foundational learning and the NIPUN Bharat mission targeting foundational literacy and numeracy by Grade 3.

The extension of RTE to secondary education has been debated but not implemented, with fiscal concerns and the challenge of universalising secondary infrastructure being the primary obstacles. The NITI Aayog report’s findings strengthen the case for at minimum a statutory right to secondary education, even if full constitutional guarantee requires an amendment.

Infrastructure Deficits: Electricity, Water, and Digital Access

Despite decades of investment, UDISE+ 2024-25 data reveals persistent infrastructure gaps. A total of 1.19 lakh schools lack functional electricity — a foundational requirement for digital education. While schools with drinking water facilities increased from 96.5 percent in 2014 to 99 percent in 2025, 14,505 schools still lack functional water sources, and 59,829 lack handwashing facilities. These are not merely comfort concerns — they are documented barriers to school attendance, particularly for adolescent girls.

The digital infrastructure gap is even more consequential in the context of NEP 2020’s technology-forward vision. Introducing AI and Computational Thinking from Grade 3 — as announced by the Education Ministry — in schools without reliable electricity supply creates an implementation paradox that risks deepening rather than bridging the urban-rural education divide.

Teacher Availability, Quality, and Training

The NITI Aayog report implicitly and explicitly surfaces the teacher quality challenge. The warning about AI over-reliance “diminishing independent thinking” is fundamentally a warning about teacher capacity — if teachers cannot mediate technology effectively, students will interact with AI tools without critical scaffolding. India has approximately 10.5 lakh teacher vacancies in government schools (UDISE+ data), with rural areas disproportionately affected. The Pupil-Teacher Ratio (PTR) mandated under RTE (30:1 for primary; 35:1 for upper primary) is violated in numerous states.

The National Initiative for Proficiency in Reading with Understanding and Numeracy (NIPUN Bharat), launched in 2021, targets foundational learning competencies by Grade 3. The NITI Aayog data showing continued decline in Grade 8 reading proficiency — despite NIPUN Bharat’s implementation — suggests either that the programme’s coverage is insufficient or that learning gains in early grades are not being consolidated in later years.

Composite Schools and the “Cylindrical” Schooling Model

The NITI Aayog report’s most actionable structural recommendation is the shift from a “pyramid” (where most schools are primary only) to a “cylinder” (where schools offer Grades 1-12 under one roof). This would eliminate transition-based dropout risk — identified as a major contributor to the high attrition rate. Composite schools exist successfully in several developed countries and in India’s Kendriya Vidyalayas and Navodaya Vidyalayas, which offer continuous Grade 1-12 journeys.

Scaling composite schools requires consolidating smaller school units — a politically sensitive process given the employment of local teachers and community attachment to neighbourhood schools. The School Consolidation Policy must be designed with community consultation, transportation support for students from merged schools, and incentives for teacher relocation.

Way Forward

The RTE Act should be amended to extend the right to free education through Grade 12, with a phased implementation roadmap. The government must prioritise completing electricity connectivity to all 1.19 lakh schools without power before deploying AI-based education tools. NIPUN Bharat targets must be strengthened with annual independent assessments by third-party academic institutions. Composite school pilots in 100 educationally backward districts should be launched under the PM SHRI scheme with a five-year outcome evaluation framework. Teacher vacancy filling must be time-bound through state-specific recruitment drives linked to Smart Cities and PM Gati Shakti logistics. AI introduction in schools must be preceded by a mandatory teacher training programme developed by IITs and IIMs in partnership with state SCERTs.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

UPSC GS-II: Education policy, RTE Act, government schemes, NITI Aayog, governance, social justice; GS-I: Social issues, education, gender; Essay: “India’s Demographic Dividend: Promise or Peril?” SSC: Government schemes, general awareness, current events. Key terms: RTE Act, Article 21-A, 86th Constitutional Amendment, NIPUN Bharat, UDISE+, NEP 2020, Composite Schools, Pupil-Teacher Ratio, Foundational Literacy and Numeracy, PM SHRI Scheme, ASER Report, Learning Outcomes.

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), one of the world’s largest employment guarantee programmes, saw sharp contraction in scale and reach during 2025-26, according to a report by NREGA Sangharsh Morcha and LibTech India. Total person-days of work generated fell by 21.5 percent — from 268.44 crore in 2024-25 to 210.73 crore in 2025-26 — even as the number of registered households rose marginally. The number of households completing the full guaranteed 100 days of work declined by 40.5 percent. LibTech estimates an average income loss of ₹1,221 per MGNREGS household.

This contraction is occurring simultaneously with a major policy transition: the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025 (replacing MGNREGS), passed in Parliament last December with only ₹30,000 crore allocated for the transitional period — significantly below what the full MGNREGS budget had historically been. The Union government has allocated ₹30,000 crore for the transition, against a backdrop of 44 lakh fewer households and 67 lakh fewer workers being employed compared to the previous year.

For UPSC aspirants, this issue spans constitutional rights frameworks (whether employment guarantee is a statutory right), fiscal federalism (MGNREGS is centrally funded but state-implemented), rural development policy, gender economics (MGNREGS has historically had high female participation), and the governance of large-scale welfare scheme transitions.

Background and Context: MGNREGS Architecture and Historical Performance

MGNREGS was enacted in 2005 under the UPA government through the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA). It guarantees 100 days of unskilled manual work per year to any rural household whose adult members demand it. The scheme operates as a demand-driven right — unlike supply-side schemes where beneficiaries depend on government willingness. Payment must be made within 15 days of work completion, failing which unemployment allowance is due.

Five Important Key Points

• MGNREGS 2025-26 generated only 210.73 crore person-days of work — a 21.5 percent decline from 268.44 crore in 2024-25 — with 44 lakh fewer households and 67 lakh fewer workers employed, representing a significant erosion of the scheme’s protective function during a period of rural economic stress.
• Fifteen out of 20 States recorded a decline in person-days, with Tamil Nadu registering the steepest drop of 42.8 percent and Haryana at 41.7 percent, while West Bengal generated no person-days in either year — suggesting systemic data and administrative anomalies in the state’s MGNREGS implementation.
• The Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025, which is set to replace MGNREGS, was passed without public consultation — a process deviation from MGNREGS’s own legislative history, which involved extensive civil society engagement and pilot testing.
• The government’s transitional allocation of ₹30,000 crore for MGNREGS during the transition period represents a significant under-budgeting concern, given that MGNREGS peak demand years required ₹98,000 crore (2020-21 COVID year) and even normal years required ₹60,000-73,000 crore.
• LibTech’s research estimates that the contraction in MGNREGS 2025-26 resulted in an average income loss of ₹1,221 per registered household — a figure that, aggregated across 15 crore households, represents a massive withdrawal of rural purchasing power at a time of agrarian stress.

Constitutional and Legal Framework: Is Employment a Fundamental Right?

MGNREGS is a statutory right under Article 21 as interpreted by the Supreme Court in the right-to-livelihood jurisprudence (Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation, 1985). However, it is not a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(g) (right to practise any profession or carry on any trade) — that applies to economic activity, not guaranteed employment. The MGNREGA’s legal architecture makes it a conditional statutory entitlement: the right to demand work exists, but the state’s obligation to provide it is subject to administrative capacity and budgetary allocation.

This legal structure creates a gap: when MGNREGS is replaced by the new Viksit Bharat Rozgar Mission, the continuity and enforceability of the employment guarantee right will depend on the new Act’s specific provisions. If the new scheme introduces conditionalities, skill prerequisites, or demand-verification requirements not present in MGNREGA, the effective coverage could narrow further.

Fiscal Federalism and State Implementation Challenges

MGNREGS is funded 100 percent by the Centre for wages and 75 percent for material costs, with states bearing 25 percent of material costs and administrative expenses. This creates a fiscal dependency that makes scheme performance sensitive to central disbursement timelines. Delayed Fund Transfer Orders (FTOs) to states have historically been a major cause of payment delays and reduced demand.

The contraction in 2025-26 likely reflects multiple factors: reduced central budget allocation (₹86,000 crore budgeted but historically requiring supplementary demands), delayed payments discouraging workers from registering demand, administrative tightening in the wake of audit findings, and the political signal of the incoming scheme reducing local implementation urgency.

Gender Dimensions of MGNREGS Contraction

MGNREGS has historically maintained female participation rates of around 55-57 percent of total person-days — significantly above the mandatory 33 percent — making it one of India’s most gender-inclusive employment programmes. The scheme’s equal wage provision (same wage for men and women for the same work) has had positive spillover effects on rural wage norms. A 21.5 percent contraction in total person-days disproportionately affects women who depend on MGNREGS as often their primary or sole source of formal employment. This has direct implications for women’s economic autonomy, household food security, and child nutrition outcomes in rural areas.

The New Viksit Bharat Rozgar Mission: What Is Known

The Viksit Bharat Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025, passed in December, is the successor scheme. Details of its operational guidelines remain limited in public domain, which itself is a governance concern — schemes of this scale require extensive front-end communication to potential beneficiaries, gram panchayats, state governments, and implementing officers before launch. The NREGA Sangharsh Morcha’s concern about the absence of public consultation mirrors the experience of other welfare scheme transitions where beneficiary communities are the last to learn about changes.

The new scheme’s title — “Viksit Bharat Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission” — suggests a broader orientation beyond guaranteed employment toward livelihood promotion, potentially signalling a shift from demand-driven entitlement to supply-side skill and opportunity creation. While this orientation is not inherently wrong, the transition must be managed carefully to avoid a coverage vacuum.

Way Forward

The government must ensure full payment of MGNREGS wage arrears before the scheme transition, as unpaid wages create immediate hardship and legal liability under the Act. The new Viksit Bharat scheme’s operational guidelines should be published in draft for a 90-day public comment period before finalisation. The transitional allocation of ₹30,000 crore must be supplemented through supplementary demands if employment demand materialises at historical levels. Gender participation targets from MGNREGS should be explicitly carried forward into the new scheme. An independent transition monitoring committee, including representatives from NREGA Sangharsh Morcha and LibTech India, should be constituted to track coverage continuity.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

UPSC GS-II: Government schemes, welfare policy, fiscal federalism; GS-III: Indian economy, rural development, employment, poverty alleviation. Essay: “The Promise and Limits of Employment Guarantee as a Development Strategy.” SSC: Government schemes, general awareness. Key terms: MGNREGA, Person-Days, Fund Transfer Order, Viksit Bharat Rozgar Mission, LibTech India, Right to Livelihood, Olga Tellis Case, Fiscal Federalism, Gender Parity in Employment.

India has sent over 1,137 diplomatic notes (notes verbale) and 456 consolidated reminders to Bangladesh since September 2020 regarding the repatriation of suspected illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, without receiving “an actionable response,” according to an External Affairs Ministry diplomatic document reviewed by The Hindu. This disclosure came in a note verbale sent on April 30, hours after Bangladesh summoned the Indian envoy to protest remarks by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who claimed that Indian border guards were “pushing in” suspected Bangladeshi individuals through unguarded border sections.

The issue has become central to India-Bangladesh bilateral relations, particularly in the context of the BJP’s victory in West Bengal — a State sharing over 2,216 km of the 4,096 km India-Bangladesh border. Home Minister Amit Shah explicitly described the West Bengal victory as plugging “one of the biggest holes in national security,” referencing infiltration and cattle-smuggling concerns. Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister and Home Minister have warned of “adequate measures” if push-ins continue.

For UPSC aspirants, this case study integrates international law on statelessness and repatriation, India’s Citizenship Amendment Act debates, border management, federal dimensions of immigration enforcement, and the evolving India-Bangladesh relationship post-Sheikh Hasina’s exit.

Background and Context: The Scale of the Problem and Legal Framework

The Indian government’s note verbale states that over 2,862 cases of nationality verification are pending with Bangladesh, some for over five years. The Foreigners Act, 1946, and the Citizenship Act, 1955, provide the domestic legal framework for identifying and deporting illegal immigrants. The Foreigners Tribunals in Assam — established under the Foreigners (Tribunals) Order, 1964 — have been the primary institutional mechanism, though their functioning has faced Supreme Court scrutiny regarding due process.

Five Important Key Points

• India has sent 1,137 notes verbale and 456 consolidated reminders to Bangladesh since September 2020 seeking nationality verification and repatriation of over 2,862 suspected illegal immigrants, with the External Affairs Ministry confirming that a majority have received no actionable response from Dhaka.
• The controversy was triggered by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma’s claim that Indian border guards were “pushing in” suspected Bangladeshi nationals through unguarded border sections — a charge Bangladesh’s Foreign Ministry and Home Ministry have categorically denied and threatened to respond to with “adequate measures.”
• India shares a 4,096-km land border with Bangladesh, of which over 2,216 km runs through West Bengal — the state where the BJP won 207 of 294 Assembly seats in 2026, making border security a politically heightened concern.
• The Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, which provides a fast-track naturalisation pathway for Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis, and Christians from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, intersects directly with this issue, as it implicitly acknowledges the reality of migration while excluding Muslim migrants.
• Bangladesh’s changed political landscape following Sheikh Hasina’s exit has made bilateral cooperation on border management and illegal immigration more complicated, as the interim administration has adopted a more assertive posture toward India on sovereignty concerns.

International Law on Repatriation and Statelessness

Under customary international law and the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness — to which India is not a signatory but which reflect customary norms — states have obligations concerning individuals who cannot be attributed to any nationality. A key principle is that states cannot expel individuals to territories where their nationality is not confirmed, as this risks creating stateless persons.

Bangladesh’s reluctance to verify nationality claims may partly reflect this legal complexity — it cannot acknowledge individuals as its nationals without triggering domestic political backlash — and partly reflects a strategic calculation to use the issue as leverage in broader bilateral negotiations. India’s approach of issuing diplomatic notes creates a formal record but lacks enforcement mechanisms under international law absent a bilateral treaty framework specifically addressing repatriation.

The NRC Process in Assam: Institutional Context

The National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam, completed in 2019 and listing 31.1 million people as citizens while excluding approximately 1.9 million, was the domestic institutional response to illegal immigration. However, its implementation remains contested — over 1 million individuals with borderline documentation face Foreigners Tribunal proceedings, and the Supreme Court has monitored the process closely through PIL interventions. The NRC’s legal finality remains uncertain as the updated list has not been officially notified by the government.

The Foreigners Tribunals have themselves been criticised for inconsistent standards of proof, inadequate legal representation for respondents, and high rates of ex-parte orders against individuals unable to appear. The Supreme Court, in multiple orders in the Assam NRC matter (Writ Petition Civil 274 of 2009), has attempted to balance state security interests with individual due process rights.

The CAA-NRC Matrix and Minority Rights

The Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, significantly complicates India’s position in bilateral negotiations with Bangladesh. CAA explicitly treats Bangladeshi Hindus differently from Bangladeshi Muslims in the naturalisation pathway. Bangladesh has officially protested this as discriminatory and potentially interfering in its internal religious affairs. India’s position that CAA addresses historical religious persecution does not fully resolve Bangladesh’s concern that the law signals India’s willingness to selectively absorb its minority population while resisting Muslim migration — creating asymmetric incentives.

Border Management: BSF Jurisdiction and Fence Infrastructure

The Border Security Force (BSF), with primary jurisdiction over the India-Bangladesh border, operates under the Border Security Force Act, 1968. The March 2021 amendment to BSF jurisdiction — extending the operational area from 15 km to 50 km from the international border in West Bengal, Punjab, and Assam — was contested by state governments as encroaching on state police jurisdiction under Entry 2 of the State List. West Bengal had opposed this extension, and with the new BJP government under Suvendu Adhikari, centre-state coordination on border management is expected to improve.

The Smart Fencing Project (Comprehensive Integrated Border Management System) along the India-Bangladesh border aims to cover the entire unfenced or floodprone sections with electronic surveillance. Accelerating this project is essential for reducing infiltration claims that create bilateral diplomatic friction.

Way Forward

India should propose a formal bilateral Readmission Agreement with Bangladesh, mirroring frameworks between EU states and origin countries, which would establish clear procedures, timelines, and dispute resolution mechanisms for repatriation. Simultaneously, India should work within SAARC and BIMSTEC frameworks to develop a regional protocol on cross-border migration management. Domestically, Foreigners Tribunals need procedural reform to ensure due process while maintaining efficiency. The Smart Fencing Project must be completed with a time-bound target. India’s diplomacy toward Bangladesh must balance firmness on sovereignty concerns with the strategic imperative of maintaining Bangladesh as a cooperative neighbour in India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy.

Relevance for UPSC and SSC Examinations

UPSC GS-II: India’s foreign policy toward neighbours, international law, bilateral agreements, Citizenship Amendment Act, NRC, border management; GS-III: Internal security, border management, infiltration. SSC: Current affairs, India’s neighbourhood relations, constitutional provisions on citizenship. Key terms: Notes Verbale, Foreigners Act, NRC Assam, Foreigners Tribunals, CAA 2019, Smart Fencing, CIBMS, BSF Jurisdiction, Readmission Agreement, Neighbourhood First Policy.